Unequal Scales of Justice: Umar Khalid’s Detention vs a Militia Commander’s Impunity

While Khalid faces the full force of the UAPA for speeches, meetings, and WhatsApp messages, Arambai tenggol Commander-in-chief Khuman—accused of leading armed attacks on security forces—has not only avoided arrest but held official talks with the Manipur Governor.

BY Navin Upadhyay

January 13, 2025: In a country that constitutionally guarantees equality before the law, the contrasting treatment of Umar Khalid and Koroungamba Khuman exposes a troubling fault line in India’s justice system. One is a former student activist imprisoned for over five years without trial for speeches and meetings; the other, the chief of an armed militia accused of violent crimes, remains free despite multiple investigations by the National Investigation Agency (NIA).

Umar Khalid, a former Jawaharlal Nehru University scholar, has been incarcerated in Delhi’s Tihar Jail since September 2020 under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA) in connection with the February 2020 Delhi riots. Korounganba Khuman, chief of the Meitei militia Arambai Tenggol, is named in serious NIA cases involving arms looting, arson, and attacks on security forces during the Manipur violence.

Not only has he not been arrested, Khuman has held official talks with the Manipur Governor and was even accorded a ceremonial reception by the National Cadet Corps—an extraordinary privilege for someone under probe for heinous crimes. The disparity raises fundamental questions about selective enforcement of law, the political use of anti-terror legislation, and the erosion of constitutional safeguards.

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Umar Khalid: In Jail for Speech, Meetings, and Messages

Umar Khalid was arrested on September 13, 2020, as part of the Delhi Police’s “larger conspiracy” case related to the Delhi riots, which left 53 people dead amid protests against the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA).

Charges and Evidence

Khalid is accused under UAPA of criminal conspiracy and terrorist acts. The prosecution alleges that he played a “central role” in orchestrating protests that allegedly escalated into violence. The evidence cited includes:

• Speeches urging resistance to the CAA, including one delivered in Amravati on February 17, 2020, which explicitly called for non-violence
• Participation in protest meetings
• Membership in WhatsApp groups where discussions on road blockades and demonstrations took place

Notably, there is no allegation or evidence that Khalid participated in, planned, or executed any act of physical violence, arson, or use of weapons.

Critics argue that the case stretches the definition of “terrorist acts” to criminalise dissent and political speech protected under Article 19(1)(a) of the Constitution.

Manipur: Dear @NIA_India @CBIHeadquarters, is the law too short to reach Meitei offenders who are at Imphal? How is terrorist Robin giving live press briefings while under investigation, and why is Korounganba still roaming free? Your double standards are glaring.@HMOIndia https://t.co/PYONB9hVTm pic.twitter.com/ybwU4AofhM

— Jenifer Vaiphei (@Jenifer_Vaiphei) June 11, 2025

Judicial Status

Khalid’s bail pleas have been rejected repeatedly. In January 2026, the Supreme Court declined to grant bail, citing his alleged “formative role” in the conspiracy, and imposed a one-year bar on fresh bail applications or until protected witnesses are examined.

Despite a chargesheet running into thousands of pages and more than 900 listed witnesses, the trial has not begun. Khalid has now spent over five years in custody without adjudication of guilt—prompting legal experts to describe his detention as “process as punishment” and a violation of the right to a speedy trial under Article 21.

Former Supreme Court judges, including Madan B. Lokur and Sudhanshu Dhulia, have called the decision “disappointing” and a misinterpretation of precedents like Union of India v. K.A. Najeeb (2021), which emphasized bail in cases of indefinite delays.

Human rights groups like Amnesty International label it a “derailment of justice,” highlighting UAPA’s overuse against Muslim dissenters.

Koroungamna Khuman: Free Despite Allegations of Armed Violence

Korounganba Khuman, also known as Korou Nganba Khuman, heads Arambai Tenggol, an armed   Meitei group claiming to be  a  cultural organisation.  Since violence erupted in May 2023 in Manipur between Kuki-Zo and Meitei communities, the group has been repeatedly linked to serious crimes.

Charges and Evidence

• NIA FIRs: Khuman is named in at least two NIA cases transferred to Guwahati by the Supreme Court in November 2024. The first involves a May 3, 2023, attack on the 7th Battalion Manipur Rifles camp in Bishnupur, where AT members allegedly looted arms, ammunition, and set fire to barracks.

The second FIR, from Porompat police station, charges him with leading a mob that assaulted police, looted weapons, and committed arson at the Imphal East deputy commissioner’s office.

• Terrorists Acts and Violence: Charges include armed rioting, obstructing public servants, robbery, criminal conspiracy, terrorist acts under UAPA, and looting firearms from security forces—crimes far more direct and violent than Khalid’s.

AT is accused of assaults on army jawans, extortion, and threats to public order.

Reports link the group to heinous acts like burning homes in Kuki areas and displacing communities.

• Direct Involvement: Unlike Khalid, evidence includes eyewitness accounts and FIRs detailing Khuman’s leadership in armed raids. In one case, he allegedly led hundreds in uniform to snatch weapons, qualifying as terrorist acts under UAPA.

Unlike Khalid’s case, the allegations against Khuman involve direct violence, eyewitness accounts, and physical evidence, including looted firearms.

Judicial Status

Despite the gravity of these allegations, Khuman remains free. While some Arambai Tenggol members have been arrested, triggering protests and shutdowns, the group’s chief has not been taken into custody.

Observers point to political and ethnic considerations, noting that Arambai Tenggol enjoys visible support among sections of the Meitei community and operates in a BJP-ruled state. Public protests by influential groups have demanded withdrawal of cases against him, further complicating enforcement.

A Stark Double Standard

The contrast is striking:

• Khalid: Accused of conspiracy based on speech and association, jailed for over five years without trial
• Khuman: Accused of leading armed attacks and looting weapons, free despite ongoing NIA investigations

UAPA is applied with maximum severity in one case and conspicuous restraint in the other. The result is a perception—widely shared by legal scholars and rights groups—of communal and political bias in the application of anti-terror laws.

Such selective justice undermines faith in institutions, legitimises vigilantism, and weakens constitutional democracy. When dissent is punished more harshly than violence, the rule of law itself stands compromised.

The cases of Umar Khalid and Koroungamba Khuman reveal an alarming inversion of justice: peaceful dissent treated as terror, while armed violence escapes swift accountability. If equality before law is to remain more than a constitutional slogan, investigative agencies and courts must apply the law consistently, expedite trials, and resist political pressures.

Until then, the scales of justice will remain visibly tilted—eroding public trust and threatening the democratic foundations of the republic.

A Tale of Two Justices: Comparing Charges and Treatment