This is the second and concluding part of an in-depth two-part interview series with Seilen Haokip, spokesperson of the Kuki National Organisation (KNO) — one of the principal armed groups operating under the Suspension of Operations (SoO) agreement with the Government of India. While the first part of the interview explored the future of the SoO agreement and the KNO’s evolving position within the peace process, this instalment turns the lens inward — examining the growing discord within Kuki-Zo civil and political formations.
BY Navin Upadhyay
July 22, 2025: More than two years after ethnic violence broke out in Manipur, the state remains suspended between trauma and uncertainty. While over 60,000 people — largely from the Kuki-Zo and Meitei communities — continue to live in displacement camps. The imposition of President’s Rule, following the inability to form a stable government, has created a temporary vacuum. In this turbulent context, Seilen Haokip, the spokesperson of the Kuki National Organisation (KNO) — one of the two umbrella groups under the Suspension of Operations (SoO) agreement — speaks with clarity about his community’s dilemmas, frustrations, and their collective pursuit of political demands.
One of the flashpoints in recent weeks has been the directive issued by Kuki Inpi Hqrs, and later Kuki Inpi Delhi, declaring that no Kuki-Zo MLA should participate in any new government formation in Imphal. The declarations were interpreted by many as a coordinated boycott. Haokip, however, rejects this reading.
He explains that the original statement from Kuki Inpi Manipur was meant to be an internal communication, in response to a request from the Kuki-Zo Council (KZC), the apex civil society body, and was unfortunately leaked. The follow-up declaration by Kuki Inpi Delhi, according to him, should not have been issued at all.
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“It shows two things,” Haokip remarks, “either a disconnect between the Kuki Inpi Hqrs, and its subsidiary, Kuki Inpi Delhi — or unnecessary nuancing of the contest for KZC’s space. Both instances are regrettable developments. They were not coordinated stands.”
Referring to report that Kuki Inpi held no formal consultations with elected MLAs, CSOs, or the SoO leadership before issuing these directives, Haokip says Kuki Inpi Delhi acted unilaterally.
“This is surprising, especially in light of the May 16 Guwahati meeting, where it was resolved that all political calls would be taken collectively by the KZC, in consultation with the MLAs and SoO leadership. Asked whether Kuki Inpi Delhi may have overstepped its mandate,” Haokip says.
“On this count, it does appear Kuki Inpi Delhi has overstepped its mandate. Given the commotion caused by the earlier leaked Kuki Inpi statement — which thankfully got sorted out after much effort — Kuki Inpi Delhi should have been more circumspect and consulted the headquarters.”
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Haokip lapsed into silence when asked whether the directive was a pre-emptive strike, anticipating possible efforts by the BJP to cobble together a new government in Imphal. Haokip does not dismiss this theory. “It would seem so, but ‘cobbled together’ is correct,” he says, adding, “Our MLAs are on board, they need no schooling everyday.”
However, Seilen clarified that official SoO position still rests on the Guwahati resolution. If there is any party level initiative to form a popular government, it was agreed that Kuki-Zo MLAs will consult both CSOs and SoO groups before making any decision, he says.
READ: Naga Body to PM Modi: Evict Kuki Militants, Scrap SoO Pact
Concerns have been raised by critics — both within and outside the community — that directives barring MLAs from Assembly participation may undermine democratic mandates. Haokip rejects this reading.
“When the situation arises, it won’t be a question of ‘barring MLAs’,” he says. “It will be a joint democratic decision taken by MLAs, CSOs, and SoO.”
What happens if the MLAs continue to remain disengaged? What political role can they still play?
Haokip responds with measured realism. As long as the Assembly exists, MLAs may function virtually or at an appointed time resign en masse — a call that will ultimately depend on how the ongoing talks with the Ministry of Home Affairs unfold. “The decision will essentially be incumbent on proceedings of the ongoing MHA and SoO talks,” he explains.
Will not this approach may invite legal challenges — from anti-defection proceedings to disqualification or by-elections? Haokip brushes this aside:
“There may not be any worry on that count. Necessary steps would follow when that bridge needs to be crossed.”
Haokip agrees that participation in the new government by the Kuki-Zo MLAs will weaken the demand for a separate administrative arrangement, possibly undermining the movement for a Union Territory.?
“That is indeed the general sense,” Haokip admits. “Joining the new government would be seen as legitimising the existing state structure — and therefore, contrary to our demand for a UT with Legislative Assembly.”
For now, President’s Rule remains in place — a situation that many view as temporary, but fragile. Haokip, however, sees value in it.
“President’s Rule has successfully replaced the overtly majoritarian and communalised state government with fair and just governance.”
He praises the neutrality of the central forces now operating in Manipur and notes that law and order has visibly improved under Central administration.
“Peace — i.e., absence of violence — has been enforced by Central Security agencies, free from interference, which was the norm during the last popular government in the state.”
Still, the silence of Kuki-Zo MLAs in the face of massive suffering — displacement, food shortages, destruction of homes — has become a source of discomfort and criticism. Haokip’s reply to this is emotionally loaded: “Silence borne by cancerous frustration speaks louder than words.”
As the conversation turns toward the future, Haokip remains committed to the path laid out by the community’s political movement. The strategy, he insists, is not short-term.
“This important strategy to strengthen unity among all stakeholders to achieve the common political goal of UT with Legislative Assembly will remain imperative and steadfast.”
In a state where words have often been weaponised, Haokip’s tone is careful, but not hesitant. His message is clear: there cannot be return to the old order – it is not an option; Constitutional safeguards is the legitimate option. And if the path forward demands political non-participation for now, then so shall it be — until the Kuki-Zo people are granted their Constitutional rights for space, dignity, and structure.
